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Early man certainly left some impressive traces behind in Nouvelle-Aquitaine. The most beautiful palaeolithic remains All you need to know about the Feria in 5 minutes.
Culture vultures. The Dordogne Valley: what to do, what to see…. Bordeaux without borders with Marie Tchin. At one with nature, in the Basque country with More Articles. The essentials of Nouvelle-Aquitaine gourmet Sketching a path through the heart of Bordeaux. The 5 stages of an urban outing in Cognac. Biking and hiking. Fujita and Hamaguchi captured this phenomenon in a formalised framework: an increase in intercourse between two cities results in an evolution of their respective specialisations, and can progressively produce a hierarchised, specialised urban network, with industrial cities and tertiary cities.
This dual shift can result in the disappearance of any notion of hierarchy. Although it leads to greater interdependence between zones which also prevents the fragmentation of regional spaces it places each zone in a leading position in its sector, enabling it to open up directly to other regional networks.
Thus periphery-to-periphery relationships become established, akin to the already existing centre-to-centre relationships. Indeed, it is easy to think that the space defined by existing boundaries is too restricted in scope. This is indeed a study project in itself. This framework was set up in the s, and has been validated several times as defining spaces that are relevant for exploring issues relating to the area of direct influence of Paris, irrespective of the conclusions reached Thiard, This disproportion is likewise observed in the distribution of employment as shown in Table 1.
This dissymmetry appears clearly if the different Urban Areas are the focus of the comparison, since Paris has 25 times more jobs than the second most important employment centre, Rouen. In this hierarchy, it can be noted that only the large cities in the Paris Basin are present in the top classification. They are zones in which the density of employment outside the centre is high, even if the employment centre is not necessarily large. Table 1 — Jobs in the Paris Basin: Paris and the main cities.
If this is so, the exploration of commuting patterns should enable an evaluation of the scale of this integration, and the integration should also be visible in the economic space. Despite, or because of, their specialisations, the industrial areas in the Paris Basin thus belong to a large economic region that is strongly integrated.
It is on this basis that the centre-periphery model, considered to characterise the Paris Basin in the s and s, was developed. It is from this situation that it is today evolving very fast, as its different spaces are being affected in different manners by the structural changes in activity Thiard, Whether the commuting patterns, residential migrations, the age structure of local populations or their socio-economic composition are envisaged, the different elements defining the Paris Basin can be fitted to a single functioning model Gilli, a.
We will explore this point in more detail so as to understand how this space is organised. Indeed, if we wish to capture any form of metropolitan functioning of the Paris Basin, we need first to give attention to any boundaries that can be evidenced in the study zone. If sub-spaces are shown, the way in which they are integrated into the Paris Basin will require study.
It could be useful, for example, to note whether the spaces are polarised around a given city that is the only outlet, or whether exchanges with the neighbouring areas take place by simple contact along the boundaries of each of the spaces. The Ile de France is an administrative Region with its boundaries, but these appear to correspond only very partially to the functional realities of the spaces concerned.
This can be clearly seen from home-to-work commuting patterns.alhajri-award.com/modules/zyhyciles/app-iphone-per-spiare-whatsapp.php
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They are indeed the product of a geography of the residents, a geography of employment, and a geography of transport means of travel, readiness to travel, and of course transport networks. As the employment zones are also defined in relation to commuting patterns, their implementation will not raise major methodological problems with the exception of Paris, but this will not be detailed here 5.
Note that, since Paris is off-centre within the Ile de France, the administrative Region and Paris Region do not coincide exactly. Figure 1. Share of salaried workers working in Paris. Figure 2. Working population working in the Paris Region. This descriptive approach has the undeniable advantage of providing clear boundaries. The construction of a gravitational model based on the commuting patterns between communes can evidence these preferences Gilli, a. Seen from the capital, four types of space can be distinguished from centre to periphery Figure 3 6 :.
A markedly integrated space where flows are considerable and significant. Their significance is often negative negative flows are more clearly visible in Figure 2 since travel is more difficult in dense urban zones than in rural spaces. Since the model is calibrated on the Paris Basin as a whole, intra-urban flows can evidence this barrier effect restricting travel that is formed by the city. It can be noted that this space covers the employment zones of the Paris Region. There is then a ring of centres that generate convergent flow patterns.
These local poles correspond to the outpost towns and cities of the Paris Region identified earlier. They exhibit a special relationship with Paris, while no proximity effect is noted with the large cities located further from Paris. This obviously does not mean that relationships with such cities are non-existent, because in that the case the flows would show negatively. The large cities also entertain special links with Paris. They also polarise their local spaces, but likewise have proximity relations with lower-ranking towns and cities.
It can be noted that this type of organisation is closely linked to the variable used here: commuting patterns evidence proximity relationships. This therefore does not necessarily mean that the production space follows this Christaller-type layout. Finally, certain spaces are only weakly linked to the rest of the Paris Basin.
This involves all the fringe areas, and includes one city, Troyes. Thus what is observed is a two-level radial concentric structure around the capital, made up of a strongly integrated inner ring and an outer ring linked via local hubs the outpost cities serving as gates to Paris Region. Beyond this, spaces organise themselves around most of the large towns and cities, with the exception of Troyes very weakly linked to the rest of the Paris basin , and Amiens strongly linked to Paris but polarising only a small zone beyond its own zone. This does not imply that major flows between home and work are an advantage or otherwise, from a normative viewpoint.
But given present trends in the organisation of spaces sprawl and metropolitanisation the weakness of such flows is more the sign of a lack of metropolitan vitality than of a balanced multipolar structure enabling each person to find a job close to his or her home. Figure 3. Attraction and barrier effects in the Paris Basin. These two scales exhibit logics and levels of flows that are very different. Figures 4 and 5 thus show the flows observed between employment zones within the Paris Basin, between employment zones in the Paris Basin and the employment zones in the Paris Region, and inside the Paris Region.
Thus Rouen forms a counter-example, since its employment zone indeed sends out considerable flows towards Paris, but also towards Le Havre and Evreux. Figure 4. The main journey-to-work flows between employment zones in the Paris Basin. Figure 5. The main journey-to-work flows between employment zones inside the Paris Region. It is also the only part of the Paris Basin where large non-hierarchised flows occur, and the only part where employment zones astride two areas of influence are observed.
This type of profile is however fairly specific, and exchanges with Paris are increasingly predominant. If we look further than this particular instance since Sud-Oise partly belongs to the Paris urban area the outside fringes are clearly distinct. This is also true for the Haute Normandie Region, where Vernon and Evreux are the only two towns with the exception of Rouen, and Le Havre, exchanging with Paris, and it is true too for the Centre administrative Region. In addition, local flows occur in the outside and inside fringes of the Paris Region, with convergent flows from the employment zones in the outside fringes towards zones in the inside fringes, which virtually act as airlocks.
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Versailles, Sud-Oise, Cergy or even Melun thus receive numerous commuters from the outside fringes, such as Chartres, Dreux or Beauvais. In this space the commuting patterns form a core that functions as a network. Exchanges between employment zones in Paris and the inner ring are considerable, and both peripheral and radial. In contrast, if employment zones in the second and third ring are considered, it is the radial pattern that becomes predominant. Flows between neighbouring zones exist, but do not compromise this pattern, and the main flows from Cergy, Sud-Oise, Roissy, Lagny-sur-Marne, Meaux, Melun, Evry, Orsay and even Versailles are towards the centre Paris or zones in the inner ring.
We also observe a network of metropolises of lower rank that have a significant role locally, since they genuinely structure the spaces around them. This model is based on the existence of a central metropolitan space extending over a radius of 70 km around Paris, and on regional spaces that organise themselves according to the relationship of their centres with the Ile de France centre.
Figure 6. Regional units around a vast Paris metropolitan Area. These cities of some inhabitants offer a proximity living environment, and they are not linked one to the other by fast transport facilities. Thus it is unlikely that there will be any significant commuting, while this in fact says nothing about any links that might exist in the system of production.
If we consider that there is a centre-periphery distribution, as expected in theory, one way of apprehending the issue could be to attempt to verify this hypothesis by using information on the structure of industry. It is possible to choose either an approach by way of socio-professional category, or an approach based on types of activity. It will then be possible to check for the existence or otherwise of a centre-periphery structure, but this will mean that all trace of any other relationships that might exist between the spaces under study will be lost.
The loss of information on sector proximities is a major disadvantage. The advantage of an approach based on activities is thus to retain the ability to analyse possible relationships between spaces by using the activities that they house. This variable also has the advantage of retaining traces of function within an activity, since manufacturing activities are distinguished from management and advisory activities in the nomenclature Naf. When activities are integrated into enterprises, managing functions no longer appear separately.
However the wave of externalisations in the s and s led to the development of a specific sector that is clearly distinct from executive activities broken down according to the activity. It is therefore on the structure by activity that we will conduct our study 7.
It is thus possible to study the spatial patterns of economic sectors in the Paris Basin. Initially elaborated by Ellison and Glaeser , these indices derived from the Herfindahl index have been used in the French setting by Maurel and Sedillot with a few modifications. These indices, calculated in a probabilistic perspective, enable the characterisation of spatial concentrations of activities after eliminating structural bias: the concentration of a given sector is apprehended in relation to a situation of even distribution across the different territories.
The spatial concentration of a given sector of activity is likely to be greater in France, where the Paris Region carries considerable weight in national employment, than in the Netherlands where employment is more evenly distributed across regions. The Herfindahl index of a sector i, Hi, is thus modified according to the Herfindahl index calculated for all the sectors of activity, HC. It is positive if the sector of activity considered is more concentrated in that space than activity as a whole.
This occurs when the spatial concentration is wholly explained by the presence of one or two very large firms employing the majority of the labour force in the sector of activity. Thus the tyre industry in France is almost totally concentrated in Clermont Ferrand.
But this is the result not so much of an agglomeration dynamic which would be shown by a cluster of businesses as that of the weight of the main firm, Michelin, in national employment in that sector. The corrected index therefore takes account of the effect of the distribution of jobs across the different firms. A Herfindahl index is again used here, but rather than being calculated from employment per zone in relation to overall employment, the H index is obtained from employment per firm in relation to employment overall in the sector of activity to which it belongs 9.
In this respect, these indicators are very useful for apprehending the degree of agglomeration of the economic activity in a given space. The closer the index is to 1, the more concentrated are the activities in a single spot. Thus a high index value reflects the fact that there is a single cluster for a given activity in a given space. They are nevertheless derived from different databases: the activities overall considered here comprise industries not including extraction activities , to which we added services not including administrations and retail trade.
The study by Maurel and Sedillot did not take account of these service activities.
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The results obtained are therefore not easy to evaluate in terms of actual values, but they are nevertheless comparable — they will systematically tend towards the same direction. The very fact of introducing services into the calculation, more concentrated, results in the mean concentration of activities in the Paris Basin being always be greater.
For a given activity, the adjustment made to take account of concentration in the Paris Basin will thus always yield a value greater than it would be if the service activities had not been taken into account, and the concentration index for an industrial activity will be reduced by the integration of the localisation of services into the calculation. The Paris Basin indices for industrial sectors of activity should theoretically be lower for the same type of distribution of activities across the space.
Despite this, the indices observed for the activities present in the two data bases are identical, or higher in the case of the Paris Basin. This means that, all other things being equal, activities are more concentrated in this space. If a single localisation is favoured above others, the activity will be concentrated; if several alternative localisations appear the activity will be de-concentrated.
In an integrated economic region, the logics of concentration and specialisation tend to favour the choice of a single site. The presence of a second site for a particularly concentrated industrial activity can be interpreted as an encroachment on a second functional region.
Since greater economic integration in theory translates into an increase in the concentration and specialisation of the spaces concerned, the Paris Basin forms a more integrated economic zone than the national space as a whole. The advantage of this method is that it enables different levels to be studied.
Although the figures obtained on the different geographical levels cannot be compared, they nevertheless enable the characterisation of differing spatial patterns. Specialisation in a zone is adjusted by way of the weight of a sector in the overall space considered, and the size of firms in that sector. A high specialisation index will be obtained either from very marked specialisation that is not offset by the successive adjustments, or from a local employment setting that is liable to be quite diverse, but within which clusters of firms are rendered prominent by the adjustments.
In this second instance, the index shows the potential importance of scale economies: the local specialisation will be accounted for not by one large firm, but by a large number of firms, and by a fabric that is objectively varied. Figure 7. Thus the indices are naturally quite high, and undergo only slight adjustment when the industrial structures are taken into account.
The high values for these indices are also related to the activities involved, which are generally very concentrated. The fictitious job numbers on which these indices are calculated are therefore larger than real job numbers. This can be explained by the fact that despite an employment structure that is not very different from that of the centre, numbers are concentrated in large enterprises.
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The adjustment of concentration indices according to industrial structure therefore has considerable effect on these index values. The fact that the activities are relatively similar, while the industrial structures are markedly different, suggests a centre-periphery organisation where the activities are identical across the whole region, but where there is firstly a specialisation in the centre on activities based in small structures, and secondly a specialisation of the periphery in functions based on scale economies, and a dual concentration of these two functioning modes in the two regional sub-spaces, with small structures not occurring widely in the periphery and large structures being absent from the centre.
These are linked to very marked local specialisations. The dual dynamic of concentration and specialisation is also notable, for instance for shipbuilding Manche or champagne Marne. These activities have a very large impact on the local spaces, which are virtually the only spaces involved in the activities considered. It also includes fringes, since the south of the Centre Region appears. But the main characteristics of the overall central space vary little. The profile of the periphery, in contrast, changes very considerably.
This occurs in the majority of the employment zones around the western part of the Paris Region — from Beauvais to Pithiviers via the Perche area, specialisation indices in some localities are very high. In these employment zones profiles are similar to those in the fringes: specialised employment in very few activities grouped in large firms. The apparent centre-periphery structure, relatively coherent from a functional point of view, in fact conceals very marked heterogeneity in the activities involved.